Currently, the use of social media is increasing, with Instagram being popular in Indonesia. In October 2023, there were 104.8 million Instagram users in Indonesia. The Free Nutritious Meal (MBG) program launched by the government aims to provide healthy food for vulnerable groups, especially children. This study aims to analyze the meaning of posts related to the Free Nutritious Meal issue on Instagram using Roland Barthes' semiotic theory. This study is qualitative descriptive, describing and analyzing the meaning of Instagram posts about the MBG program. This method focuses on the interpretation of visual and textual signs, and their influence on public understanding. This study shows that visual and text posts on the Instagram account @tempodotco related to the Free Nutritious Meal (MBG) program not only function as information media, but also form deeper meanings through visual and narrative signs. By using Roland Barthes' semiotic analysis, namely through three levels of significance: denotation, connotation, and myth, it was found that the MBG discourse strategically presents the state as the main actor that is "present", "cares", and "saves" the people from the nutritional crisis.
Currently, myriad social media users are increasingly intensive in finding out or managing information through various forms of interaction. Social media users are growing in number and becoming more selective in how they use it (Nurfalah et al., 2023). Social media such as Instagram is more popular among Indonesians than other social media (Imawan, 2019). According to a report by We Are Social, in October 2023, there were approximately 104.8 million Instagram users in Indonesia. This number makes Indonesia the fourth country with the most Instagram users in the world.
Social media, particularly Instagram, has become the primary platform for disseminating information and shaping public opinion on various social issues, including government policies (Rahmah, 2021). One issue that has received widespread attention in Indonesia is the Free Nutritious Meal program (Vanti et al., 2024). This program has become a hot topic of discussion among various groups, both as a form of social policy and as part of a political communication strategy. The development of digital technology has strengthened the role of online media such as Tempo.co in influencing public discourse. With the rapid and widespread distribution of information, online media has the potential to shape public opinion on a large scale. Framing in online media not only involves the arrangement of facts but also includes language strategies, diction, and the insertion of interpretations through expert quotes, illustrations, and specific narrative structures (Collins et al., 2021).
Tempo.co is a media outlet known for consistently practicing critical and independent journalism since the reform era. With a reputation as an investigative media outlet, Tempo often raises strategic issues with a strong analytical and narrative approach. In the context of the MBG, Tempo not only reports on this program as a government policy but also highlights budget controversies, policy effectiveness, and potential failures in implementation. For example, the use of rhetorical titles and problematic questions in its articles indicates a tendency toward framing that challenges the official government narrative.
Free Nutritious Meal (MBG) is a program from the Indonesian government that aims to provide healthy and nutritious food to groups in need, with a focus on children or other underpreviliged groups. The Indonesian Free Nutritious Meal program is aimed at students in schools or children in communities who may not have adequate access to nutritious food (Patients & Studies, 2024). The Free Nutritious Meal Program, initiated by the administration of President Prabowo Subianto, is a strategic step toward developing high- quality human resources by ensuring the proper and high-quality fulfillment of the nutritional needs of the population.
The school meal program serves as a positive catalyst for the economy. By involving various actors in the supply chain, from food procurement to the delivery of prepared meal to schools, this program opens up significant potential for economic empowerment. (Nurwakhid & Fridiyanti, 2025) The Free Nutritious Meal Program (MBG) launched by President Prabowo Subianto is a strategic initiative aimed at improving the nutritional quality and learning motivation of
students in Indonesia. With a significant budget allocation, this program is designed to provide nutritious food to schoolchildren, toddlers, pregnant women, and breastfeeding mothers. This study will analyze how the program can contribute to improving student learning motivation through the perspective of educational sociology. (Merlinda & Yusmar Yusuf, 2025)
However, behind these benefits lie many significant challenges. One of them is the enormous funding requirement, which, if not managed effectively, can place a heavy burden on the country. The large amount of funds allocated to this program opens up opportunities for corruption and abuse, which can reduce the quality of the program. (Alfandi et al., 2024) In debates on social media, particularly on Instagram, various posts, memes, infographics, and short videos often not only convey information directly (denotatively) but also contain deeper symbolic meanings (connotatively). The messages conveyed can have various interpretations depending on the perspective of the community, political background, and interests of the parties involved. Therefore, it is important to analyze how the meaning in these posts is constructed and conveyed to the public.
Roland Barthes' semiotic approach can be used to understand how visual and textual signs in Instagram posts related to the issue of Free Nutritious Food work on two levels of meaning: denotation and connotation (Alfionita et al., 2024). In addition, Barthes also explains the concept of myth, which can be used to see how the representation of this program is constructed in a larger narrative, for example as a tool of political campaigning or as a discourse on social welfare (Lustyantie, 2012).
Based on this, this study aims to analyze the meaning of uploads related to the issue of Free Nutritious Eating on Instagram using Roland Barthes' semiotic theory. The results of this study are expected to provide insight into how social media shapes public opinion on social policies through signs and symbols used in digital uploads.
Several related journal articles that support and assist in this research already exist, some of which have been cited by researchers in their titles, whether in the form of journals, articles, or other types of writing. Some of these literature sources at least cover the themes that will be discussed by the author in this scientific work, including literature on Roland Barthes' Semiotic Analysis in the Issue of Free Nutritious Meal on Instagram, which is the topic of discussion in this paper.
The first paper, by Cut Dian Rahmawati, Hasan Busri, and Moh. Badrih in a journal titled “The Denotative and Connotative Meanings of Memes on Twitter: A Semiotic Study of Roland Barthes,” focuses on how memes on Twitter contain deeper meanings through Barthes' semiotic approach. In this study, it is explained that memes not only convey the literal meaning (denotation) of the images or text used but also contain symbolic or ideological meanings (connotation) that can be influenced by the cultural background, experiences, and social values of their users (Rahmawati et al., 2024).
Through a qualitative descriptive method, this study identifies that memes on Twitter often function as a means of humor, social criticism, or reflection on everyday life phenomena. Some examples of memes analyzed in this study reflect aspects such as hiding feelings, self-reflection, social pressure, and the differences between life on social media and the real world. This study highlights that social media users often consume and share memes with meanings that are more complex than mere entertainment, but also as a communication tool that reflects their feelings and views on social situations. In the study “Semiotic Analysis of Roland Barthes in the Issue of Free Nutritious Meal (MBG) on Instagram,” the approach used shares methodological similarities, employing Roland Barthes' semiotic analysis with concepts of denotation, connotation, and myth. The main similarity between this study and Rahmawati et al.'s research is that both analyze signs and meanings in visual communication on social media and use a descriptive qualitative approach.
However, there are several key differences in the focus of the research. Rahmawati et al.'s research examines memes on Twitter, which tend to be humorous, satirical, and socially critical, while MBG's research on Instagram focuses more on public policy communication strategies packaged in the form of more structured visual posts. Twitter memes often appear spontaneously and go viral, while MBG's posts on Instagram are more likely to have deliberate strategic communication elements, such as government policy promotion campaigns or the participation of certain organizations. Additionally, in terms of communication context, memes on Twitter are more individualistic and reflective of daily life, while MBG posts on Instagram aim to shape public opinion regarding a social policy. While memes highlight users' personal feelings and experiences, MBG posts strive to build the image of government programs as a form of concern for society.
Thus, although both studies share the same theoretical approach, differences in research objects and communication objectives result in analyses with distinct implications. The MBG study on Instagram is expected to provide insights into how social policies are constructed through digital media and how such messages are received and interpreted by the public.
The second article, by Miftakhul Fikri in a journal titled “Representation of the Political Image of Indonesian Presidential Candidates in 2024 on Instagram: A Semiotic Study of Roland Barthes,” discusses how the political image of Indonesian presidential candidates is constructed through posts on Instagram. Using Roland Barthes' semiotic approach, this study examines how each post reflects three levels of meaning: denotation, connotation, and myth. Denotation refers to the literal meaning apparent in the image, such as the clothing worn, colors, and gestures displayed in the post. Meanwhile, connotation explores the deeper meaning of these visual elements based on culture and public perception. At the final stage, the myth generated from this connotation serves to form a broader narrative about the identity and political ideology of each presidential candidate (Setyadji, V., & Yulistyarani, 2023).
This study uses a descriptive qualitative method with Barthes' semiotic content analysis. Data was obtained from posts on the official Instagram accounts
of three Indonesian presidential candidates in 2024, namely @prabowo, @ganjar_pranowo, and @aniesbaswedan. The results of the study show that political posts on Instagram are not only used as a medium of information but also as a tool for political image building. Visual symbols such as the clothes worn, certain colors used, and gestures displayed in photos and videos play an important role in shaping public opinion about the candidates.
In relation to the study titled “Roland Barthes' Semiotic Analysis in the Issue of Free Nutritious Meal (MBG) on Instagram,” there are several significant similarities and differences. Both studies use Roland Barthes' semiotic theory to analyze messages conveyed through social media, focusing on the denotative, connotative, and mythical meanings contained in posts. Additionally, the methods employed in both studies are similar, utilizing a descriptive qualitative approach and content analysis techniques to explore the signs emerging in Instagram posts. Beyond methodological similarities, both studies also emphasize the importance of visual communication in shaping meaning on social media.
However, there are some fundamental differences between the two studies. Fikri's research focuses more on how presidential candidates build their political image through Instagram, while the research on MBG on Instagram highlights how social policy programs are communicated to the public through digital media. While Fikri's research examines signs such as clothing, color, gestures, and political hashtags used by presidential candidates to build their image, the research on MBG will focus more on signs related to food representation, the distribution of the MBG program, the role of the government in this policy, and how the program is understood by the general public.
Additionally, Fikri's research examines posts aimed at building personal branding and political image, while the research on MBG focuses on public policy communication and how the message is received by the audience. If the political image of presidential candidates is strategically constructed to attract voters and create a positive perception, then posts about MBG on Instagram are likely to aim to build public awareness of the importance of nutrition and social welfare, although it is possible that these posts are also used as a political image- building tool for those involved in the policy.
From this analysis, it can be concluded that although Fikri's research and MBG's research differ in their objects of study and communication objectives, both highlight how social media is used to shape meaning and influence public perception. By using Roland Barthes' semiotic theory, research on MBG on Instagram is expected to provide broader insights into how social policies are constructed in the digital space and how these messages are interpreted by the public. Therefore, these two studies complement each other in demonstrating how semiotic analysis can be used to understand strategic communication on social media, both in political contexts and in the context of public policy.
This research is descriptive qualitative, aiming to describe and analyze the meanings that emerge in Instagram posts about the MBG (Free Nutritious Meal)
program. This method focuses on interpreting the visual and textual signs used in the posts, as well as how these signs shape public understanding of MBG (Free Nutritious Meal).
The research data consists of primary and secondary data. Primary data was obtained from Instagram posts related to MBG, including images, captions, hashtags, and other visual elements. The posts analyzed came from official government accounts, political figures, social organizations, and public opinion using related hashtags. Secondary data includes literature, journals, news articles, and policy reports that support the analysis of MBG representation on social media.
The data collection technique in this study was conducted using the documentation method, which involves collecting, observing, and analyzing Instagram posts related to MBG. The data collection stages include: Identifying posts relevant to the MBG issue on Instagram based on specific hashtags and accounts. Downloading and recording visual elements such as images, colors, expressions, and design composition in the posts. Analyzing the text and captions to understand the meaning conveyed through the language and narrative in the posts.
The data analysis technique in this study uses Roland Barthes' semiotic approach, which consists of three main stages: First (denotative analysis) identifies the literal meaning of images and text in Instagram posts, then (connotative analysis) interprets additional meanings influenced by culture, ideology, and social context, and finally (mythical analysis) reveals broader and ideological meanings that emerge from connotations and become part of the dominant social narrative.
The results of this analysis are used to understand how Instagram posts shape public opinion of the MBG program, as well as how the meanings constructed on social media influence public acceptance of this policy.
This study analyzes how the social media account @tempodotco on Instagram conveys the issue of “Free Nutritious Meal” through its visual and textual posts, using Roland Barthes' semiotic theory. The analysis process is divided into two levels of significance: denotation and connotation, as well as the hidden myths behind the messages conveyed.
Based on the content analysis titled “For Free Nutritious Meal,” which showcases the MBG program on Instagram @tempodotco, the author can assess how the video not only conveys information in a straightforward manner but also how the issues raised form deeper meanings through symbols and narratives that develop within society. The video, which is 52 seconds long, presents a visual representation of the Free Nutritious Meal (MBG) program through a series of scenes depicting food distribution activities. The video reel post received significant engagement from Instagram users, with a total of 10,300 likes, 290 comments, and 456 shares.
The video includes the following text narrative: “Prabowo repeatedly
makes hasty, contradictory, and poorly planned decisions. Instead of bringing
hope, the policies he launches spark public protests and market confusion. In the free nutritious meal program, it is clear how Prabowo forced this project through by any means necessary, including sacrificing public services and other programs. Too ambitious to implement free lunches, Prabowo completely overhauled the State Budget. To cover the funding shortfall for the free nutritious meal program, he cut the budgets of ministries, agencies, and local governments by more than Rp 300 trillion.".
The caption and hashtag used in the Instagram Reels video post read: “For the sake of a free nutritious meal project, Rp 306.69 trillion of the ministry’s budget has been axed. Public services are now under threat. Is this efficiency or just an excuse to divert the budget to Prabowo’s favorite projects?” #OpiniTempo #IndonesiaGelap
Source: @tempodotco’s Instagram Account Edition: 24 February - 2 March 2025 FIGURE 1. Visual Object Content Cover
Visually, this image conveys a strong impression through simple yet meaningful graphic design elements. The deep black background dominates the entire image, creating a gloomy, tense, and serious atmosphere. Black is generally used to symbolize emptiness, darkness, or crisis. In the center of the image is the silhouette of part of Garuda's body, specifically the head and wings, which are symbols of the Indonesian state. The use of silhouettes (without color or detail) reinforces the impression that the country is present in the form of a shadow, not in its full strength or form.
The bright white light emanating from the wings creates a dramatic effect that contrasts with the dark background. This effect gives the impression that something is trying to “highlight” or “illuminate” the darkness, but is not yet
strong enough to dispel it. In the context of visual communication, this can be interpreted as a sign of conflict or tension between two sides: between imagery and reality, between hope and reality.
The text “FOR FREE NUTRITIOUS MEAL” is written in bold white capital letters, making it the visual focal point. The white color on the black background emphasizes the contrast and adds emphasis to the message being conveyed. The choice of the phrase “FOR” emphasizes that something big or important is at stake for the program.
Source: @tempodotco Instagram Account. Edition: 24 Februayi – 2 March 2025 Figure 2. Narrative in Video Content
The video contains the following narration: "Prabowo repeatedly makes hasty, contradictory, and poorly planned decisions. Instead of bringing hope, the policies he has launched have sparked public protests and caused market confusion. In the free nutritious meal program, it is clear how Prabowo forced this project through by any means necessary, including sacrificing public services and other programs. In his overzealous pursuit of free lunches, Prabowo completely overhauled the State Budget. To cover the funding shortfall for the free nutritious meal program, he cut the budgets of ministries, agencies, and local governments by over Rp 300 trillion.”
In this narrative, it is explicitly stated that: Prabowo often makes decisions hastily, inconsistently (contradictorily), and without proper planning. These policies do not bring hope but instead provoke protests from the public and confusion in the market. In the Free Nutritious Meal Program (MBG), it is
mentioned that Prabowo forced its implementation, even at the expense of public services and other programs. It is also mentioned that due to his excessive ambition in implementing the MBG program, Prabowo made significant changes to the State Budget (APBN). To cover the MBG funding shortfall, he cut budgets from ministries, agencies, and local governments by more than Rp 300 trillion.
Prabowo launched the MBG program with an approach that was considered rushed and forced, thereby impacting the stability of public services and the state budget structure. All of these statements are factual statements or claims that are presented directly without additional symbolic interpretation.
Source: @tempodotco’s Instagram Account Edition: 24 February –
2 March 2025 Figure 3. Caption (For the sake of a free nutritious
meal project, the ministry's budget of Rp 306.69 trillion has been
slashed drastically. Public services are also at risk. Is this
Denotatively, this caption and hashtag explicitly convey statements and facts without any implied or symbolic meaning: “For the sake of a free nutritious meal program.” This sentence states that the main objective of the policy under discussion is to implement a free nutritious meal program. “The ministry's budget of Rp 306.69 trillion has been slashed.” This informs that the Rp 306.69 trillion originally allocated to the ministry has been significantly cut. “Public services are also at risk.” This statement indicates that the budget cuts have disrupted public services that were previously funded by those funds. “Is this efficiency or just an excuse to divert the budget to Prabowo’s favorite projects?”
This sentence directly questions the motive behind the policy, whether it is truly aimed at efficiency or merely to facilitate programs favored by Prabowo.
Meanwhile, the hashtags in the video, #OpiniTempo (indicating that this is part of Tempo's editorial opinion) and #IndonesiaGelap, denotatively mean “Indonesia in darkness,” i.e., without light or illumination. (The denotative meaning is neutral; it is only at the connotative level that it can take on a critical or symbolic meaning.
The narrative delivered by @tempodotco is flat, slow, and very controlled. There is no emotional emphasis or raised voice when delivering criticism or serious facts such as “budget cuts of Rp. 306.69 trillion” or “public services are threatened.” Sentence after sentence is delivered at a steady pace, as if without personal reaction.
Connotatively, this style is not because the narrator is neutral, but because this speaking style is consciously chosen to emphasize objectivity and the credibility of the source. This style gives the impression that the narrator is not provoking, but rather conveying something serious in a cold and rational manner. In a journalistic context, this calmness is not a sign of indifference, but rather a symbol of mastery of facts and confidence in the content. @tempodotco, known as a media outlet with an investigative reputation, uses a tone to suggest that their narrative contains truths that do not need to be wrapped in dramatization.
The narrative states, “Prabowo repeatedly makes decisions hastily, contradictorily, and with minimal planning...” The tone used remains straightforward, calm, and shows no emotional pressure. The connotation is sharp but classy criticism. It is not the crude or sarcastic criticism commonly used in opposition campaigns, but rather elegant investigative journalism-style criticism, which aims to attack directly but peel back reality slowly.
This tone implies that the criticism is not an emotional reaction but the result of deep and verified observation. This gives greater weight to the narrative’s content, as the public will not feel “forced to be angry” but rather invited to reflect on something that should make them reconsider.
Cultural associations are meanings that arise and become attached to something, in this case food, based on the social and cultural context of a community. In other words, they are the ways in which a community views and assigns meaning to various things, including food. These meanings are not always literal or physical, but are influenced by the values, beliefs, and social practices that prevail in that community.
In the context of connotative meaning, cultural associations play an important role in shaping how a society understands certain symbols or actions. When we look at the representation of the Free Nutritious Meal (MBG) program, there are several connotative meanings that emerge as a result of the cultural associations inherent in Indonesian society. Connotatively, nutritious food is not
only understood as physical sustenance or biological need, but in Indonesian culture, it is often associated with signs of well-being, care, and social concern. In many social contexts, providing food is seen as a form of empathy, solidarity, and even respect or affection. Thus, when the government or public figures distribute nutritious food for free to children, the meaning that emerges in the minds of the public is that the state is present as a “social parent” who cares for its children.
The act of feeding also carries connotations of mutual aid and social justice. The MBG program indirectly touches on the public's hope for leaders who not only govern but also protect, care for, and meet the basic needs of their citizens. Therefore, the public may associate MBG not merely as a health or education program but as a symbol of a caring state, especially if the program targets economically disadvantaged groups or underprivileged areas. However, this cultural association also carries a critical aspect. In the social-political reality, when food distribution is carried out by political figures (especially ahead of elections), its connotative meaning can shift toward image-building. The public may associate the program with “gifts” intended to gain sympathy or votes, rather than a pure expression of the state's concern.
Cultural associations with nutritious food in the context of MBG form a connotative meaning as a symbol of welfare, government concern, and state presence. However, this connotation is highly dependent on context; if accompanied by political timing or visualizations that overly emphasize certain figures, its meaning can shift into a symbolic strategy to gain social support. Thus, MBG as a cultural symbol is not merely about nutrition, but also about how the state builds emotional and symbolic connections with its people.
The state can act as a savior in the context of Free Nutritious Meal by providing access to adequate nutritious food for the community, especially children and vulnerable groups. Free nutritious meal programs, such as those implemented in several countries, show that the state can play an important role in overcoming malnutrition and stunting, as well as supporting children's health and education. The state is not merely a program organizer but is portrayed as an indispensable force for the people. The community is assumed to lack the ability or capacity to be self-reliant, and the state's presence is seen as the primary solution.
In this discourse, the state is not merely present administratively, but morally as the protector and savior of the people from crisis, suffering, or poverty. The people are associated as weak, powerless, and in need of intervention from above. Social programs such as MBG are proof of the state's “kindness.” When the state distributes food, it is considered to have “saved the future of the nation.” All actions of the state are associated with kindness, moral responsibility, and closeness to the people. The myth of “the state as savior” shapes the view that the state is the main and only actor capable and worthy of
saving the people from hardship. The state is positioned not merely as a protective, giving, and helpful figure who is present when the people need it.
The state is represented as the only main actor capable of being present in the community and providing direct solutions to nutrition and welfare issues. In many visuals and narratives of the MBG program, the state appears active, organizing and distributing aid, while the people are depicted as passive and waiting. The myth that emerges is that without the state, the people would be unable to escape the crisis, and the people's welfare is entirely dependent on state policies, not on community participation or other structural factors. Free food distribution becomes a symbol of the state's success, even though it has not addressed the root causes of poverty, food distribution, and access inequality.
Source: @tempodotco’s Instagram Account
FIGURE 3 : Comments - Comments on Instagram Content
Disappointment with Political Leadership: Most comments reflect public dissatisfaction with the president-elect, with tones of sarcasm, anger, and disgust. Some comments mention that this is the first time they have been truly disappointed, even questioning the president's integrity and self-respect. Many users express regret for having voted for this leader. Jokowi's figure remains a symbolic benchmark or reference point in terms of expectations for leadership deemed more dignified.
Criticism of the MBG Program: Critical responses to the Free Nutritious Meal Program are particularly prominent, especially regarding: The quality of the food, which is deemed unfit for consumption and even accused of causing food poisoning. The inefficiency of the program, as it is seen as failing to address the root of the problem, such as the price of basic commodities and the distribution of food aid. Misuse of funds, as the public doubts whether the large budget allocation will be truly effective or simply wasted.
Concerns over budget allocation, with many comments highlighting budget cuts to ministries/agencies for the MBG program, which is deemed high- risk and may not yield results. There is anxiety that the country may become “bankrupt” or “collectively impoverished” due to reckless budget allocation without proper planning.
Criticism of the Legislative Body (DPR), there were also comments questioning the existence and function of the DPR in overseeing government policies. This reflects the public perception that the legislative body is not optimally performing its role of checks and balances on the executive branch. Satire and Social Emotions, many comments were sarcastic, emotional, and cynical. These tones indicate social tension and political fatigue, as well as public frustration with a government system that is perceived as not prioritizing the urgent needs of the people.
This study shows that visual and text posts on the Instagram account @tempodotco related to the Free Nutritious Meal (MBG) program not only serve as a medium of information, but also form a deeper meaning through visual and narrative signs. Using Roland Barthes' semiotic analysis, specifically through three levels of signification: denotation, connotation, and myth, it was found that the MBG discourse strategically presents the state as the main actor that is “present,” “caring,” and “saving” the people from a nutritional crisis.
At the denotative level, the content conveys facts about the massive budget cuts for the MBG program and their impact on public services. At the connotative level, the narrative is presented in a calm and neutral tone to establish an impression of objectivity and journalistic credibility, while visuals and symbols such as dark colors, the Garuda silhouette, and bold text reinforce a serious and critical stance toward the policy. In a mythological sense, the MBG is constructed as evidence of the state's presence as the sole savior, creating symbolic dependence of the people on the state, while obscuring the structural complexity of the nutrition problem.
Public opinion reflected in Instagram user comments reinforces critical interpretations of the MBG policy. The public has expressed dissatisfaction with the quality of the program, concerns about budget cuts, and distrust of the political motives behind the program. In addition, criticism has also been directed at the legislative body, which is considered to be failing to perform its functions optimally. Overall, this study reveals how narratives and representations of social programs in digital media can shape certain myths and perceptions about the state and power. MBG is not only a symbol of concern but also a political tool that shapes public opinion and the state's legitimacy within a mythological framework as the savior of the people.
Building on these findings, further research could explore how different digital media platforms construct and disseminate state-related myths through visual and textual content, especially in the context of public policy communication. Comparative studies between various media outlets or between state-owned and independent platforms may reveal differing strategies in shaping public perception and political legitimacy. Additionally, future studies could examine audience reception more deeply by analyzing engagement patterns, sentiment trends, and the influence of digital narratives on public trust
and civic behavior in the long term. This would provide a more comprehensive understanding of how digital semiotics operate in the construction of power and state identity.